1.
Introduction
Educational curricula across the ‘secular
territories’ of the world often claim to be promoting neutral and secular
knowledge through textbooks and teaching in formal instructional settings. But
looking into these documents and the practices critically may help us unveil
the concept of ‘legitimate knowledge’; the political motivation for such
construction; and the game of power, domination and marginalization they
involve. Language learning being one of the most important parts of education
has been exploited as an agency through which recursive and coercive practices
like ‘selection’ and ‘judgment’ are carried out effectively. And thus, language
policy of a nation is often found favouring the knowledge domain(s) of the
power-holding section(s) of the nation. It does not democratically represent
all sections of the society in terms of the languages, cultures, beliefs,
political adherence, economic and social status, etc. This kind of practice may
not be blatantly intentional. But one may wonder why and how such practices
find their way into language policies sometimes in the name of ‘secularization’
or what Weber calls ‘rationalization’. This is actually a very clever way of constructing
and moulding the consciousness of the dominated class(es) without being overtly
resorting to mechanisms of social control. (Apple, 1979)
Historically proven to be a powerful
social tool, language testing is used by language policy makers to promote a desired
and favoured section of society as winners and accepted ones, and the rest as
losers, failures and rejected ones. Though voices have been raised against the
door-keeping nature of tests and attempts have been made to make testing
student- and learning-friendly, we still continue to be acknowledged by our
performance in high stake standardized tests like TOEFL and IELTS. However, a
better picture of such undemocratic practices can be obtained if one looks into
the history of English Language Assessment.
2.
Stages in Evolution
English language assessment has a history
that runs parallel to that of English language teaching, and thus, it seems to
have evolved in line with changes in approach to language teaching. First Spolsky
(1975), and then Brown (1996), Bachman (2000), etc have tried to look at the
developments in the field of language assessment through stages though all of
them agreed that the divisions should not be interpreted as watertight
compartments with exclusive features. Apart from using the major trends
described by the above mentioned authors, I have also added a section on the
recent advances in language assessment that includes the rise in awareness
about social dimensions and exploration of alternative forms of
assessment.
2.1
The Beginning: English Language Testing and the British Stronghold
English language testing began in the 15th
century, the time when English Language Teaching was in its infancy. Henry V
started an English Language policy according to which French was to be replaced
by English as the language of royal correspondence. There arose the need of
teaching English to people. But the decisions related to teaching and testing
methods were taken by tutors. That did not lead to growth in teaching and
testing since it was not allowed to spread among the mass. But after 16th
century when attempts were made to define and conceptualize language, serious
attention was paid to developing methods of teaching English. With Johann
Christian Fick’s ‘Practical English Course’
(1793) and John Miller’s ‘The
Tutor’ (1797), ELT was on the track of productive research, theorization and
experimentation. However, English language testing had to wait until 1913 to
take the shape of modern standardized tests. The University of Cambridge sent
papers to British colonies to examine 10 candidates in 1863 and continued to do
so till the end of the century. The number of candidates kept growing and
reached 1220 in 36 centres in different colonies by 1898. It is only in 1913,
Certificate of Proficiency in English examination was started to give
foreign-qualifiers a status of proficient user of the language. The hegemony of
English and simultaneously, standardized tests has been continuing since then. During
all these years, examinations focused on test items, and the manner of testing
took a back-seat.
If the British started
the linguistic imperialism through English Language Education, Americans were
not far behind. Spolsky (1993) talks about how the US immigration department
used English language test as a tool of control to rationalize the inflow of
immigrant students to the country in the early 1920s. The ‘prognosis tests’ were seriously segregating and elitist
in nature. The whole world does not seem to have broken free of the organized
filtering practiced through language tests developed by the US and the UK.
2.2
Grammar-Translation Approach and Testing
The pre-Lado period, i.e., the period
before 1960s in testing bears a strong influence of Grammar-Translation
Approach to language teaching. It is surprising that the newly emerging
linguistic awareness in language pedagogy did not seem to have affected
language testing in the first half of the twentieth century. The emphasis on
detailed analysis of grammar rules and using this knowledge for translating
sentences from L1 to English (as an L2 or a foreign language) and vice-versa
confined language learning to memorization of rules and vocabulary. Consequently,
language testing focused on the accurate and error-free reading, writing and
translating ability of learners and also their ability to remember vocabulary
in the target language. Testing oral proficiency and ability to use language
for communicative purposes were never in the agenda of test-designers. But the
tests were easy to design, and assigning marks was quite time-saving. A very
good example of such tests could be The Charter's Diagnostic Language Test and
the Pressey English Test which tested Grammar, Punctuation, Capitalization, and
Sentence Structure. Lack of
objectivity and statistical analysis marred the efficiency of these tests. Hence,
this period is called ‘pre-scientific’ by
Spolsky (1978).
If we look at the tests
of this period a little more closely, we can realize that they indirectly
favoured students from elite backgrounds. The overemphasis on the use and
learning of classical texts; the amount of time needed to learn the structures;
the affinity between the languages of the elites and the textbooks; the role of
the teacher (mostly from upper classes) as the unquestionable authority in the
classroom; etc are indications that students from socioculturally and
economically disadvantaged background were never considered in sympathetic
light by the policy makers. Moreover, these tests were used as means to declare
students from such classes as mentally underdeveloped and thus, unfit for
learning in formal settings.
2.3
The Structuralist Approach to Testing
The Grammar-Translation approach to
testing was found inappropriate and ineffective and replaced by what Spolsky
(1978) calls a ‘psychometric-structuralist’ trend in the 1960s. This trend bore
the influence of behaviourists like Skinner and structural linguists like Fries
and Bloomfield. Language learning was perceived as a process of habit
formation, and language testing was a process of measuring language skills and
elements of language at discrete levels. Once again, individual student and context
were neglected in the name of science, objectivity, validity, reliability and
precision.
During this period, students
were encouraged to compete with each other as test scores got ultimate
importance. Individual abilities took
the backseat. A fixed standard was created through discrete-point testing to
test language ability of students. Passing and failing were prioritized over
learning. All these led to what Foucault (1971) calls “appearance of a new
modality of power in which each individual receives as his status his own
individuality”, and in this framework individuals were confined to being
‘cases’ (Foucault, 1971). The students were the worst sufferers in this case
because they were forced to confirm to a set of predicted behaviour. This, in
turn, resulted in the suppression and loss of natural learning abilities of
students.
2.4 Integrative Approach to Testing
The opposition to
discrete-point testing gave rise to an integrative approach to language
testing, i.e., a combination of psycholinguistic and sociolinguistic
approaches. Influenced by cognitive psychology and learning theories, the
psycholinguistic view of learning challenged the theories proposed by Saussure
and Bloomfield. Chomsky’s theories about language and learning acted as a driving
force. Language testing, under the influence of this theory, shifted its
emphasis from linguistic accuracy to functional ability. Language tests adhered
to problem-solving approaches and were expected to reveal what underlying rules
the learners had internalized. The sociolinguistic views of language, on the
other hand, were guided by Hymes (1972) who emphasized that the social context
of a message is as important as its linguistic context. Accordingly, a language
test was expected to measure one’s ability to use linguistic elements and
skills communicatively and appropriately in a given social situation.
Even
the inclusion of contextual tests could not solve the problems of language
testing. The social and cultural dimensions of the tests were overlooked. The
linguistic, cultural and social minorities were victimized by the contexts in
which language items were tested. The only excuse for their alienation was the
impossibility of accommodating a variety of contexts in any single test. This
could be interpreted as a hidden agenda that promoted a ‘unilateral
intellectual authoritarianism’. There is no need to mention who or which
section of the society benefitted the most from it.
2.5 Communicative Approach to Testing
Hymes’ model of “communicative competence” continued to guide the
field of language testing in Europe and America till the 1980s. In 1980s and
the early 1990s, the language testing models proposed by Morrow (1979), Canale
and Swain (1980) and Bachman (1990) who emphasized on testing both, competence
and performance of the learner gained in popularity and importance. Bachman
(1990) defined language ability as a combination of two components: “language
competence”, i.e., a variety of language knowledge and “strategic competence”,
i.e., a set of metacognitive strategies. Bachman and Palmer (1996) took up from
where Hymes had left. They argued that the construct and
context of tests must be defined clearly; the materials and test tasks must be
as authentic as possible; and real life situation must form the background of
all test items. In addition, they asserted that a test must take into account
and measure linguistic, sociolinguistic, discourse, and strategic competences.
Despite the inclusiveness and convincing nature of the
communicative framework of testing, it has not become a part of the mass
practice across the globe. This suggests that there is an obvious gap between
theory and practice. The student-centredness which is often preached and
unanimously agreed upon in any discussion related to language pedagogy has not
really acquired practical propositions. We need to bridge this gap.
2.6 Critical Language Assessment and
Alternatives in/ to Assessment
Language
testing has been growingly recognized at as a political and ideological
phenomenon deeply rooted in society and culture. Simultaneously, attempts have
been made to explore these dimensions of language testing. The process of looking
critically at testing started long time ago when Henry Latham (1877) criticized
‘encroaching power’ of examinations which he thought had a biasing effect on
education. Almost a century later, similar kind of complaint was heard from
Foacault (1977):
“…the examination is at
the centre of the procedures that constitute the individual as effect and
object of power, as effect and object of knowledge. It is the examination
which, by combining hierarchical surveillance and normalizing judgement, assures
the great disciplinary functions of distribution and classification, maximum
extraction of forces and time, continuous genetic accumulation, optimum
combination of aptitudes and, thereby, the fabrication of cellular, organic,
genetic and combinatory individuality.”
Foucault
might have been inspired by Paulo Freire’s (1970) masterpiece ‘Pedagogy of the
Oppressed’. But both of them surely had some impact on the discipline of
Applied Linguistics which was taking shape during the last part of 1970s. However,
language education, especially language testing took a lot of time to
accommodate critical perspectives in its discourse. The concepts of anxiety, bias, hegemony, democracy,
marginalization, dominance, ideology, etc started to be taken seriously only
in the 1980s, i.e., the time when Norman Fairclough (1989) published his
monumental text ‘Language and Power’. This again shows that educational changes
can be felt more strongly in the form of political visions than practical
options.
During the 1990s, experts in language testing like Spolsky,
Tim McNamara, Elana Shohamy, etc tried
to go beyond the linguistic boundaries and look at language testing as a
powerful educational tool that is used for social, political, cultural, and
above all, ideological control. These advocates of fairness and ethics in
language testing got solid support from the evolving discipline of Critical
Applied Linguistics. The result is evident in concepts like critical language testing, democratic
assessment (Shohamy, 2001), alternative
assessments (Huerta-Macías, 1995), fairness
(Kunnan, 2000), bias (Shepard,
1981), etc.
Looking critically at
language testing has led to search for alternatives ‘in’ and ‘to’ assessment. Brown
and Hudson (1998) list checklists,
journals, logs, videotapes, audiotapes, self-evaluation, teacher observations, portfolios,
conferences, diaries, self-assessments, and peer assessments as alternatives in
assessments. These alternatives may be used as substitutes to what we call ‘testing’. They provide options that may help us
move beyond technicalities of language testing and endear testing as a useful
tool that can promote learning in formal educational centres. Moreover, they
have paved way for a broad framework that can accommodate a variety of
individual learning styles and preferences while acknowledging the identity and
abilities of every single learner.
3. Conclusion
This paper is an
attempt at revisiting the history of English language testing in critical light.
The aim is not to deny the necessity of tests. From the ancient example of the
Shibboleth test in the Bible to the modern day tests like the Australian
Dictation Test (1901), the Golden Rule Settlement (1940), Fruit Machine (1950),
the Occupational English Test (1983), TOEFL, etc, language testing has proved
to be more inhuman than human; more autocratic than democratic; and more a
device of control than one promoting freedom. It is high time we mould it in
such a way that it accommodates our multilingual and multicultural diversities;
and individual preferences, personality traits, ideologies and beliefs.
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